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Grazer Gärten
#infofrei (das Freifunk-Glockner-Kollektiv...)
stat/dt Zeit-...ung
sonst noch was..?
Systemix auf dem Weg vom Ist zum Soll
Schöneberger Chroniken...
die Aktion steht im Zentrum einer jeden Handlung, zwischen Bildung und Wirkung
Am Rande der Gründungsveranstaltung des
AK
Nachhaltigkeit
im Kreisbüro der
SPD Tempelhof-Schöneberg in der Crellestraße
an meinem Geburtstag
am Donnerstag, den 12.06.2025
um 19 Uhr,
lade ich ein zum
肉骨茶
(und ggfls. einer vegetarischen Variante)
…afterparty in der Bülowstrasse 54…
Die These ist Soziale Klimapolitik, die Anti-These Nachhaltikeit, die Synthese Nix (der Kleinste Gemeinsame Nenner).
Besser: Soziale Klimapolitik ist das Medium um zum Ziel der Nachhaltigkeit zu gelangen. Wir schaffen die Strukturen!
[15:54, 3.6.2025] Sabine Hübner: Lieber Michael, danke für das Angebot! Ich bringe das am WE in unsere Terminvorbereitung ein. Vegetarisch wäre aus meiner Sicht Voraussetzung😉. Ich habe keine Ahnung, wieviele Leute zum Gründungstreffen kommen. kommen, vermutlich nicht sehr viele😢. LG Sabine
[15:59, 3.6.2025] Michael Ickes: ich würde halt n paar Leute ziehen… vornehmlich von außerhalb der SPD, aber die kann ich draußen beschäftigen… ich weiss, das ganze Ding ist erstmal nicht sehr nachhaltigkeitsagendamäßig, aber kann schon so umgedeutet werden…
[18:20, 3.6.2025] Sabine Hübner: Geht es darum, den Terminkonflikt zwischen der Gründung des AK Sozialer Klimaschutz und Deinem Geburtstag zu lösen? Dem AK (wenn er zustande kommt) kannst Du Doch auch später anschließen. Falls Du im Vorstand mitarbeiten möchtest: Es ist nicht unüblich, Leute in Abwesenheit zu wählen. Oder wir schaffen mehr Positionen, als wir unmittelbar besetzen können und wählen bald nach. Kurzum: Die Mitarbeit im AK kannst Du verschieben, Deinen Geburtstag nicht.
[16:57, 9.6.2025] Michael Ickes: Liebe Sabine, habt Ihr schon ein Manifest, Programm oder so? Ich hab mir ein paar Gedanken gemacht und komme noch nicht so ganz klar mit einem “sozialen Klimaschutz” (auf kommunaler Ebene). Geht es um die (top-down) Umsetzung eines (existenten?) sozialdemokratischen Programms zum Klimaschutz, um das Hineinwirken in eine solche Programmatik (bottom-up) oder um einen “Grassroots-Aktivismus”?
[17:04, 9.6.2025] Sabine Hübner: Wir wollen sehr konkret für den Bezirk ein Programm entwickeln und dazu den Austausch mit den Mitgliedern suchen. Zielgruppen sind vulnerable Gruppen (Obdachlose, Ältere….), Unternehmen. Wir wollen ein Think Tank für Fraktion und Partei sein, nicht zuletzt auch im Hinblick auf die nahende Berlin-Wahl.
Wir arbeiten mit im Forum auf Landesebene. Dazu ein Papier im Anhang. Es gibt gute Beispiele, an denen wir uns orientieren können, zB Xhain.
Die Herausforderungen sind…
Klimapolitik ist eine Wortschöpfung, die anders als tradierte Politiken wie Wirtschaftspolitik oder Haushaltspolitik nicht auf das Attribut wirken kann, sondern auf die Art und Weise hinweist, mit der Politik betrieben wird, nämlich klima-sensitiv.
Dabei ist zu allererst festzuhalten, dass Politik wenig nachhaltig betrieben wird. Ansonsten gäbe es keinen Anlass nachzubessern.
Ich erinnere mich an das Grundsatzprogramm der SPD. Das heisst es „Nachhaltigkeit bedeutet: von der Zukunft her denken…” Das ist eine katastrophale Darstellung, wo Nachhaltigkeit ganz einfach die Gesamtheit der ökologischen, sozialen und ökonomische Aspekte des Gemeinwohl sind. Nicht von einem fiktiven oder konstruierten Punkt in der Zukunft muss gedacht werden, sondern unser aller Leben und Wirtschaften muss mit den systemischen Dynamiken synchronisiert werden.
Flucht in der Kommunalen Entwicklungszusammenarbeit
UN SDGs – M&E, 10.7.2
Das Traktat – Ein Beurteilungsrahmen für Demokratie
The significance of Franjo Starčević
1. Grundannahme
Demokratie ist nicht nur ein Verfahren zur Mehrheitsbildung, sondern ein gesellschaftlicher Aushandlungsprozess über Gemeinwohl, Macht und Verantwortung. Um diesen bewerten zu können, definieren wir vier Kriterien, die auf Dahl aufbauen, aber inhaltlich neu zugespitzt sind – ergänzt durch zwei Querschnittsindikatoren.
Overview of Refugee Researcher Role & Responsibilities
Vier Kernkriterien demokratischer Qualität
🧩 1. Repräsentation
🔁 2. Delegation
🧭 3. Agenda-Setting
⚖️ 4. Mindeststandards (und Rechtsstaatlichkeit)
– Bewertet die Integrität des Systems – schützt es sich selbst und seine Bürger*innen?
Partizipation
The Rekke is part of an ongoing exercise in curriculum development in conflict transformation. Conflict transformation is thus understood as a cycle of sensitisation / mobilisation, escalation, negotiation, settlement and peace maintenance (similar to the Cycle of Grief or the didactic Model of Complete Action)
Whilst FS has actively affected all those five stages of conflict transformation and can thus be appraised as a practitioner of conflict transformation on his own, the circle of conflict transformation in Croatia and beyond is still ongoing, which is why FS actions shall be continued, replicated and extended.
By proposing a (module in a) curriculum of conflict transformation on FS, I consider this to be both, a tool for peace education as well as part of the (fractal, circular) path of actual conflict transformation. That’s why I call this methodology P.A.R.ts-pro-toto, like in
The reflexivity of this methodology is given by the related cycle of
Lebens-
werte
entwürfe & wege
Whereas the path of peace was only vaguely projected ahead of the Rekke by engaging with the local population, tourism development and talking the walk, some concrete aims can now be dissected, which serve as windows of opportunity to mainstream a conflict transformation agenda into a (national) curriculum or promote Franjo Starčević among conflict transformation practitioners.
Goal: To establish Franjo Starčević as a peace figure on Gorski Kotar’s tourist map.
Learning opportunity: FS sites (cemetery, pub, School of Peace, etc.) offer concrete starting points for learning about memory culture in public spaces.
Steps:
Didactic potential: Learning through spatial experience, biographical storytelling, interactive media use, civil society project work.
*Zielgruppe:*
Akteure der Zivilgesellschaft, Pädagog:innen, Mediator:innen, Community-Organisator:innen
*Dauer:*
2–3 Tage (modular anpassbar)
*Zielsetzung:*
Teilnehmende befähigen, Konflikte als Chance für demokratische Entwicklung zu erkennen und transformative Prozesse partizipativ zu gestalten.
*Inhalte:*
1. *Theoretische Grundlagen:*
– Einführung in die transformative Konfliktbearbeitung
– Demokratisierung als Prozess durch Konflikt
– Partizipative Modelle der Konfliktlösung
2. *Fallstudienanalyse:*
– Analyse realer Konfliktsituationen, z. B. aus dem Bildungsbereich oder interkulturellen Kontexten
– Reflexion über Machtverhältnisse und Beteiligung
3. *Methoden und Werkzeuge:*
– Mediationstechniken
– Dialogverfahren
– Partizipative Entscheidungsfindung
4. *Praxisübungen:*
– Rollenspiele
– Gruppenarbeiten
– Simulation von Konfliktszenarien
*Erwartete Ergebnisse:*
– Verständnis für die Rolle von Konflikten in demokratischen Prozessen
– Fähigkeit, partizipative Methoden in der Konfliktbearbeitung anzuwenden
– Entwicklung eigener Strategien für die Förderung von Demokratie durch Konflikttransformation
The Rekke Team is in a good position to advance the memory of Franjo Starčević in this way because it brings together a great variety of people, initiatives and networks, namely:
Dieses Modell dient der Analyse demokratischer Qualität auf verschiedenen Ebenen – in Politik, Verwaltung, Medien oder Zivilgesellschaft. Es eignet sich für:
Einordnung des Traktats in das Curriculum Konflikttransformation:
Das Verständnis von Demokratie und ihren konstituierenden Elementen bildet eine wichtige Grundlage für das Feld der Konflikttransformation. Viele Konflikte entstehen oder eskalieren im Kontext von fehlenden oder dysfunktionalen demokratischen Strukturen, mangelnder Repräsentation, exklusiven politischen Systemen oder der Abwesenheit von Rechtsstaatlichkeit. Umgekehrt ist die Stärkung demokratischer Prinzipien oft ein zentrales Ziel von Friedensprozessen und nachhaltiger Konfliktlösung.
Dieses Traktat, das auf unserer gemeinsamen Auseinandersetzung mit Robert Dahls (1998) Kriterien für Demokratie basiert, kann in ein Trainingsprogramm an verschiedenen Stellen integriert werden:
Mögliche Einbindungspunkte im Curriculum:
Potenzielle Lernziele im Curriculum durch die Integration des Traktats:
Dieses Traktat bietet somit einen wertvollen theoretischen Rahmen, der in verschiedenen Modulen deines Curriculums in Konflikttransformation eingesetzt werden kann, um das Verständnis der komplexen Zusammenhänge zwischen politischen Systemen und Konfliktdynamiken zu vertiefen.
Building on our earlier conversations and your references to *the rekke* as a politically-sensitive, practice-oriented process of democratic evaluation, and Franjo Starčević as a symbolic actor of peaceful civil resistance during a time of high volatility and militarization, here’s a concept for a *modular conflict transformation workshop* framed by both:
*Zielgruppe:*
Studierende der Politikwissenschaft, Geschichte, Friedens- und Konfliktforschung
*Dauer:*
1–2 Tage (intensiv)
*Zielsetzung:*
Kritische Analyse der Rolle von Franjo Starčević in der Ethnopolitik und deren Auswirkungen auf Konfliktdynamiken in Südosteuropa.
*Inhalte:*
1. *Biografischer Überblick:*
– Leben und politisches Wirken von Franjo Starčević
– Ideologische Grundlagen und politische Ziele
2. *Ethnopolitische Strategien:*
– Analyse der Instrumentalisierung ethnischer Identitäten
– Auswirkungen auf interethnische Beziehungen
3. *Konfliktanalyse:*
– Untersuchung spezifischer Konflikte, z. B. in Kroatien und Bosnien-Herzegowina
– Rolle von Führungspersönlichkeiten in der Eskalation und Deeskalation von Konflikten
4. *Reflexion und Diskussion:*
– Ethik und Verantwortung in der politischen Führung
– Lehren für die heutige Konflikttransformation
*Erwartete Ergebnisse:*
– Vertieftes Verständnis für die Komplexität ethnopolitischer Konflikte
– Fähigkeit zur kritischen Bewertung politischer Führungsrollen in Konfliktsituationen
– Entwicklung von Ansätzen zur Förderung interethnischer Verständigung

– Use Starčević’s actions as a case study to analyze non-violent civic agency under conditions of conflict.
– Encourage participants to apply democratic quality criteria (*Traktat*) to their own contexts.
– Explore public memory as a contested space and develop strategies for symbolic repair and transformation.
*1. Situating the Reck(e): Eliciting Context*
– *Activity*: Narrative mapping of “the rekke” as local encounter and diagnostic tool.
– *Reflection*: Discuss the dual meaning of “rekke” (reconnaissance and ritual path).
– *Output*: Establish collective working understanding of political, emotional, and spatial topography.
*2. Case Study: Franjo Starčević’s Walks*
– *Input*: Documentary reconstruction of his two walks to Jesenak, including interviews and routes.
– *Small Groups*: Analyze his motives, risks, interactions (e.g., check-points), and political effects.
– *Framing*: Place the case within a broader map of civic courage and micro-practices of peace.
*3. Applying the Traktat (Democracy Evaluation Framework)*
– *Input*: Recap on 4 criteria:
– Representation (external/public interface),
– Delegation (internal leadership/legitimacy),
– Agenda-setting (communication/media structures),
– Minimum standards & participation (as procedural backbones).
– *Activity*: Assess the situation in Mrkopalj/Jesenak through these lenses.
– *Discussion*: How did Starčević perform or embody these democratic functions?
*4. Memory Politics and Local Power*
– *Dialogue*: Map the stakeholders resisting or enabling commemoration (e.g. tourism board, church, local businesses).
– *Analysis*: Examine mechanisms of erasure and conflict memory.
– *Guest Input (if possible)*: Local informants or testimonies.
*5. Prototyping Transformative Action*
– *Creative Lab*: Design symbolic interventions—e.g.,
– Reviving the Peace School,
– Integrating the walk into school curricula,- Establishing a participatory archive.
– *Block*: Tactical planning for moving from memory to responsibility without over-exposing or instrumentalizing.
*A Visitor at the Window — On a Day of Remembrance*
This morning, a wasp flew in through my open window—bold, restless, and unmistakably on a mission. She moved with the puffed-up urgency of a creature intent on claiming space, probing corners and ledges as if auditioning each one for a nest.
Drawn by instinct or curiosity, she approached my candle—perhaps mistaking its warmth for something alive, something safe. But the heat caught her, and suddenly her search turned into panic. Wings thrashing, she scattered her fear across the windowpane in the form of frantic motion, chemical signals, or both.
I let her linger there for a moment—long enough to witness her confusion, her fight for orientation—before opening the window once again. In a flash, she darted out, seared and sobered, like something expelled from fire.
It felt fitting on this day—May 8th, a day of reflection, of commemoration. The anniversary of Germany’s liberation from National Socialism, a freedom won through unimaginable loss, through shared struggle. I celebrate today not only as a German, but with gratitude for the Soviet soldiers, who together with the Allies bore the unbearable and helped to break the machinery of terror. From that scorched earth, the unlikely but undeniable friendship between peoples grew—fragile, hard-won, and never to be taken for granted.
For a brief instant, the wasp and I shared a room—and perhaps a parable. Her mistaken rush into danger, her flight from heat, the moment of release—echoes of a larger story, one of aggression, fire, and ultimately, the hope of survival and transformation.









Walk of Shame XVII ended at Paolo’s, like the Walk Peace before…
I would also like to refer to:
| Fri, 18. | Zagreb – Sarajevo |
just the 8 of us:fate brought us together on the way to Sarajevo. Oh no, Hermann & Shouke came directly to Sarajevo. Here we eat together with… downtown… |
| Sat, 19. | Tunnel of Hope |
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| Sanella |
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| Sun, 20. | Hamza et al. | |
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| Mon, 21. | CWS |
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| Lipa |
Symbolbild: Because we followed the no-pictures-taking rule at Lipa Camp, I use instead a picture from the visit to the tunnel of hope. Lipa Camp has a Capacity of 1500. With the children and family wings externalised into town, the occupancy is at around 200. Transition from IOM oversight to national ownership shows. |
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| Tue, 22. | Ipsia |
BRAT is a programme by the Italian Development Association supporting minors and vulnerable populations in mending social cohesion after the migrant crisis in Bosnia. CWS is part of it while JRS have come on board later instead of EMMAUS. SDGs are mainstreamed and monitored according to the indicator 10.7.2… |
| Rahma |
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| Wed, 23. | JRC |
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| Thu, 24. |
Cemetery |
![]() ![]() memorial interreligious dialogue |
Fragen und Antworten…… wie ich mir den Prozess vorstelle: …contributing your feelings and opinion with regard to the memory to the unknown victims of the Balkan route.
How is the process of such decision-making to be led, to maximise reflexivity, participation, dignity and effect? I still believe that upgrading (activating and instrumentalising for these purposes) the adjacent monument of inter-religious dialogue would be the best use of the money. And I’m slightly disappointed that not even the grief experts among us come up with such understanding of what is and what should be, but that this community of practice (of ours) far more tends towards negating anything that doesn’t lie on the path of how things go. Ich erinnere außerdem an die (Kunst-) Aktion des Institut für politische Schönheit, der 2016? Kreuze an die Türkische Grenze gefahren hat Meine Überlegungen dürfen gerne nachvollziehbar sein, in erster Linie geht es mir aber um eine Kriteriensammlung und Prozesssteuerung. (Und in zweiter Linie tatsächlich um dieses unsägliche Monument der Kriegsverherrlichung, von dem ich mich garnicht traue zu spreche wegen relativierender Gegenstimmen). Dieses Rondell, zentral und prominent auf dem Friedhof, den Gefallenen der letzten Balkan Kriege gedenkend, beeindruckt jeden naiven oder Trauer-geschwächten Besucher des Friedhofs. Es konkurriert mit und überragt und verdrängt das Gedenken an die unbekannten Toten der Balkan-Route. Das Monument des interkulturellen Dialogs könnte einen Ausgleich schaffen. Ja, dieser Friedhof und seine Denkmäler mögen verwirren! Verstand es (bzw. sie, die Hintergundgeschichte) immer als flexibel, dynamisch und reflexiv aktivier- und instrumentalisierbar. In diesem (symbolischen) Sinn hab auch die Nutzung als Notunterkunkt von PoMs begrüßt und verteidigt. Also, wie geht’s weiter / vorwärts? Was hältst Du von meiner Prozessskizze? Würde noch n bisschen Wellen schlagen müssen, um Partizipation einzufordern und Transparenz zu schaffen. Hab aber auch nur begrenzt Kapazitäten (und Nerven). Wo siehst Du die Chancen, den existierenden Fond (für die Gräber) als Anschubfinanzierung für die Aktivierung und Instrumentalisierung des Monuments zu nutzen..? Du meinst, ich sei zu verbissen? Ich liebe den (anarchistischen) Provisisorismus in Bosnien, sehe darin einerseits große kreative Potentiale andererseits ebenso die Möglichkeiten der kontraproduktiven Instrumentalisierung… Naivität, Ignoranz und Verblendung… sind die Türöffner und Steigbügel für die ganze internationale Miserie, in der wir uns befinden… Ich mein (und komm vom Häpfchen zum Zäpfchen), die Geflüchtetenwelle von 2015 ist 1:1 mit der Finanzlage (Insolvenz) von UNHCR im Mittleren Osten zu erklären. Wenn jetzt UNRWA kollabiert, machen sich weitere 6mio Menschen auf den Weg. Wo ist der Plan? Du möchtest die Kritik, die man natürlich ein bisschen geschickt formulieren und ausarbeiten müsste, an SOS-Balkanroute rückmelden und vorschlagen, das Monument mitzudenken?! Könntest ja mal bei ihnen nachfragen, was die Idee war… team@sos-balkanroute.at. verstehe den Unmut, aber das ist mir ein bisschen zu unterkomplex als Erklärung für die Welt. Aber ja, es wird nicht einfacher und in Anbetracht dessen mag man nur den Kopf schütteln in Reaktion auf diese unnötigen Debatten und das populistische Geschwafel. Habe eben erst “aus Versehen” ne schlimme Doku in der ARD-Mediathek gesehen….Grenzen der Zuwanderung heißt die. Eine Katastrophe. Hab mich direkt mal bei ARD und dem Autor beschwert und der taz gesagt, die soll das mal anschauen. 😀 |
In the darkness
You light a candle
that never dies
that never dies








You see, my grandfather, after his 6-months nighty flight from Sibiria, heeded Titos call and participated in building the Autoput…That’s how I came to Bosnia to implement the Dayton peace agreement…
…Having written his PhD thesis at the Nazi Race Institute (with an avantgardistic methodology concluding that the Suabian (“Šwabo”) people actually decent from a “Gypsy” tribe, he was a Nazi, no question… He escaped from Russian captivity and walked for 6 month night after night. But every day he found some friendly locals who would hide him. He felt the uttermost gratitude and respect for the Russian people all his life.
He arrived back home on my mothers 2nd birthday, onn13.08.1946, the first born complaining, who is this man? While switching between Pevertin (“Panzerschokolade” = Crystal Meth) and Morphium addiction, his university career picked up, only because of my grandmother doing all the (mediocre) work…
In 1956? he left for Yugoslavia, not being able to bear the bigotry and hypocrisy of post-war Germany. My mother would never be able to forgive him for leaving her, blaming the Communists for hijacking fathers, and denying me by the Foreign Office during my assignments in the Balkans
Maybe he met Giacomo Scotti who came to join Yugoslavia from Napoli, I think around that time
He had a stroke in 1978 while on the loo pressing too hard, so they say, when in fact everybody was happy that he couldn’t speak any more. A true activist
Back to the original claim: I concede to the official compromise, according to which Tito could keep the communal tensions under the carpet for a while… but even in this reading, that while was considerably longer than the functioning of the Dayton regime
I’m trying to build an argument against nation-building and a bridge to the Ukraine where offensive nation-building has led to a proxy war… but fail. Because every conflict and war is unique?
The significance of Franjo Starčević
(personal) Rekke-Report to Gorski Kotar, 23-27 April 2025
Michael Ickes
The significance of Franjo Starčević lies both in his actual endeavors during and after the war in Gorski Kotar, as well as in his symbolism and example for further peacebuilding in Croatia and beyond. His legacy is not only historical but also deeply inspiring for the present and future – a call to continue walking, literally and metaphorically, in his footsteps.
In this sense, I too became a walker in his tradition – not as a historian or tourist, but as a kind of pilgrim. Walking the paths he once chose was not only an act of remembrance, but also a personal confrontation with the question: How would I have acted in such times? The physical journey became a spiritual one, a reflection on courage, vulnerability, and what it means to embody peace.
The war in Gorski Kotar was, in a sense, none. Unlike other regions of Croatia that experienced heavy propaganda, armed conflict, and ethnic polarization, Gorski Kotar remained relatively calm. Places like Mrkopalj showed remarkable resilience – not in heroic resistance, but in quiet steadfastness and refusal to be pulled into provocation or fear.
This peacefulness was not simply the result of one man’s action – it likely stemmed from a blend of geography, community culture, and historical experience. Yet Franjo Starčević can be seen both as a product of these peace-promoting conditions and as a conscious expression of them. Through his symbolic marches, personal courage, and educational efforts, he externalised what made Gorski Kotar resilient and offered it to the world as a model for peacebuilding.
*“In the Footsteps of Franjo Starčević” – A Fact-Finding and Reflective Walk in Gorski Kotar*
*1. Background*
This *rekke*—a deliberate, multi-day walk from Delnice to Jasenak—draws inspiration from Franjo Starčević, a local teacher and peacebuilder who, during the early 1990s conflict in Croatia, walked between communities, encouraging peace and discouraging violence. His symbolic and actual steps served to open channels of communication and build trust. He was also engaged in post-war efforts to institutionalize peace through a short-lived “Peace School.” Today, these acts remain sparsely documented, but remembered by some. The *rekke* aims to retrace his steps to uncover this history and ask what it may offer for current peacebuilding efforts.
*2. Aims of the Rekke*
– To *trace and document* known and possible additional routes and meetings initiated by Franjo Starčević during the war and post-war period.
– To engage local *residents, leaders, and institutions* in dialogue on the relevance of his actions for reconciliation and peaceful coexistence today.
– To *evaluate* whether and how a revival or adaptation of his “Peace School” approach could serve in both *local healing* and *broader peacebuilding curricula*.
– To begin work towards a *commemorative platform*, including a possible reenactment of the 1992 community gathering in Tuk on its 35th anniversary in 2027.
*3. Why Starčević?*
The symbolic power of Starčević lies in his *local credibility*, *non-partisan stance*, and *courageous persistence* in fostering peace during a time of fear and polarization. His actions point to a grounded, community-based peace ethic. In Gorski Kotar—where the Serb population declined considerably less than in other regions of Croatia—his legacy could be seen as emblematic of this region’s potential for coexistence.
*4. Actions and Engagements*
– Walking the route Delnice → Mrkopalj → Tuk → Jasenak (c. 35–40 km over 2–3 days).
– Community conversations and informal interviews with residents and stakeholders.
– Gathering oral history accounts and locating individuals or families who were involved in or recall Starčević’s efforts.
– Building trust and confidence in the value of commemorating and learning from his legacy.
*5. Challenges and Open Questions*
– How widely is Starčević’s work remembered or acknowledged across communities?
– Was his initiative explicitly aimed at enabling Serbs’ return—or more broadly peacebuilding?
– Are there political or social sensitivities that should be approached carefully?
– Can such a commemorative and dialogical process help to sustainably generate tourism, cultural initiatives, or employment in the region?
*6. Follow-Up and Broader Potential*
The *rekke* is a beginning. It is hoped to:
– Trigger further conversations, educational activities, and local documentation projects.
– Encourage cross-border or trans-regional *memory walks* or exchange programs.
– Lay the groundwork for a *re-enactment* or commemorative gathering in 2027.
– Spark conversations on *resilient, locally rooted peace models* in global peacebuilding discourse.
– Curriculum Module (Sample Idea): As part of the follow-up, a draft *“Peace Curriculum Module”* could be developed, inspired by the *rekke*, and offered to schools, youth groups, or peacebuilding institutions. Key elements could include:
– *Mapping personal and collective histories*
Psychogramm of FS
This question arises from the context of assuming that the war has largely passed by Gorski Kotar – with the ethnic groups coexisting today as they have before the war. This is obviously an idealised, utopian assumption, yet it provides an analytical framework according to which the impact of Starčević can be evaluated and appraised. It is also a somewhat strange question, for one would expect from a peaceful transition a non-violent transformation of a conflict, rather than the by-passing of a raging war, as in the idealised case of Gorski Kotar.
Admittedly, when choosing this terminology I felt inspired by the transition of Jupiter and its esoteric alignment with Mars, which signifies the dawning of the Age of Aquarius – with love, peace, and happiness. The question thus implies that the particularity of the Gorski Kotar region is that it was largely unaffected by the war and that its social structure has remained relatively intact.
The truth may lie somewhere in-between. Yes, the region was relatively unaffected by the war – but mainly due to its low strategic importance and its remote geographic location. Its isolation from larger Serb settlements and the comparatively well-established, locally integrated population may have contributed to its resilience against ethnic strife and warmongering. Demographics may also have played a role: Gorski Kotar was indeed a rural, structurally peripheral area.
Starčević’s personality was deeply marked by both political resistance and personal tragedy. In the 1970s, his critical stance against Titoist dogma had cost him his academic position – a significant rupture in his intellectual life. Just before the outbreak of the war in the early 1990s, his wife Kladmila passed away – a blow that must have shaped his emotional landscape during that time. This combination of political exclusion and personal loss shaped a man who had already known rupture – and yet chose the path of peace.
What emerges is a kind of psychological profile: reflective, uncompromising, and socially courageous. Not bitter, but sharpened. His response to suffering was not retreat, but advance – toward the other, across divides. This made him both a witness and an instigator of reconciliation.
His concrete peace actions began at the very outset of the Yugoslav wars. As ethnic tensions grew and armed conflicts erupted in other parts of the country, Starčević chose to walk – literally – into villages that were growing suspicious of one another. With a white flag and open hands, he entered spaces where others saw only danger. His intention was not to mediate in a formal sense, but to be present, to listen, to rehumanize the ‘other’ in the eyes of fearful communities.
One of his most powerful gestures was to walk between Serb and Croat villages in Gorski Kotar and Lika, alone or accompanied by a few others, often unannounced. These marches carried no banners and issued no manifestos – their strength lay in vulnerability and visibility. At a time when many sought safety in separation, he moved toward the frontlines of mistrust, insisting on presence as a form of resistance.
This evokes the image of Dietrich Bonhoeffer, who in a different context – Nazi Germany – chose a deeply risky position of theological resistance. While Bonhoeffer’s path ultimately led him to active resistance and even involvement in a conspiracy against Hitler, both men shared a radical commitment to faith-based responsibility. For Starčević, too, the question was not whether one wins or survives, but whether one remains true to the values of peace and human dignity.
Later, with Josip Butković, he helped found a peace education initiative – a kind of informal ‘peace school’ – that aimed to engage young people in understanding conflict, memory, and reconciliation. His belief in dialogue as a lifelong practice was not just rhetoric: it shaped the rhythm of his days.
Ultimately, his actions were grounded in what I perceive as a lived theology of the Sermon on the Mount. His vulnerability, his refusal to retaliate, and his insistence on reconciliation echo Jesus’ teachings in Matthew 5–7: “Blessed are the peacemakers, for they shall be called children of God.” In a world driven by ethnic fear and political calculus, his decision to walk between enemies was an embodiment of these words – not as abstraction, but as path.
|
Action / Activity |
Conceptual Reference |
Insight / Outcome / Next Steps |
|
Visit to the Tourist Info Office in Delnice (23/04/2025) |
Visibility of memory sites as civic recognition |
Beautiful but incomplete tourist map of Gorski Kotar. Franjo Starčević not marked – opportunity to advocate for inclusion as local peace figure. |
|
Visit to Franjo Starčević’s grave (evening, 23/04/2025) |
Personal and spiritual anchoring |
Gardener recalls: “He liked it simple.” Evokes humility and Franciscan identity – poetic point of emotional entry into FS legacy. |
|
Visit to local pub run by Franjo Starčević’s nephew (23/04/2025) |
Grassroots memory recovery through informal networks |
Unplanned proximity to FS’s biography. Spontaneous, embodied memory in lived local setting. |
|
Thunderstorm overnight (23–24/04), charged atmosphere |
Symbolic framing of experience and mood |
Lights flickering, car unlocking – moment experienced as magical threshold. Opens sensory-emotional connection to the Rekke. |
|
Visit to Mrkopalj’s Tourism Desk (24/04/2025) |
Institutional pathways to remembrance |
Goranka Tuhran committed to recognizing FS. EU delegation has visited. Existing media (hymn video) may aid future advocacy. |
|
Morning coffee again at Franjo Starčević nephew’s pub (24/04/2025) |
Dialogical continuity and trust-building |
Sustained contact within everyday rhythm. Foundation for long-term relational engagement. |
|
Testing route to Jasenak (24/04/2025) |
Cartographic inquiry and potential pilgrimage infrastructure |
Logging road passable. May serve future route planning. Mapping enhances spatial coherence of Rekke. |
|
Visit to Jasenak (24/04/2025) |
Absence of local institutional capacity |
Coffee in town. No clear response from mayoral office. Redirection to Ogulin illustrates disconnection from peripheral localities. |
|
– |
Center–periphery dynamics in post-conflict regions |
Lack of hostility, but systemic detachment. Possibly war-affected (Krajina). Highlights structural marginality. |
|
Continued conversation with Franjo Starčević’s nephew (26/04/2025) |
Dialogical persistence and micro-biographical excavation |
Deepening insights into FS’s personality. Family memory as moral archive. |
|
Visit to ethnographic collection with Anna, Irene, and Paolo (25/04/2025) |
Joint learning and cultural preservation |
Goranka discusses merging FS-related artifacts. Raises question of future hybrid peace-and-culture museum. |
|
Visit to the “School of Peace” house (25/04/2025) |
Revival of peace school as historical-pedagogical space |
Deteriorating but symbolically potent. Community-owned. Could become reactivated learning site. |
|
First conversation with the Orthodox Church keykeeper in Tuk (25/04/2025) |
Interfaith spontaneity and Rekke method of approach |
Found Ljelko by knocking on doors. Serendipitous but meaningful first contact – field practice of “Doing FS.” |
|
Continued conversation with Orthodox Church keykeeper Ljelko (27/04/2025) |
Trust-building across religious lines |
Growing rapport. Ljelko could serve as future interreligious bridge. Peacebuilding potential. |
|
Visit and conversation with the “Wool Women” – former School of Peace organizers (27/04/2025) |
Feminist legacy and grassroots microeconomics of peace |
These women embody care infrastructure behind FS’s work. Their current cooperative ties economic resilience to past civic engagement. |
|
Group reflection and synthesis of observations (26/04/2025) |
Participatory meaning-making |
Joint analysis of events and dynamics. Forms methodological nucleus of Rekke cycle. |
|
Return to Mrkopalj with Andrea (27/04/2025) |
Rekke origin story and mentor lineage |
Andrea initiated this Rekke node and bridges past anniversary efforts with present. Entry to Valentina Otmačić’s network. |
|
Visit to Begovo Razvolje and northern trail to Jasenak (27/04/2025) |
Topographic memory and spatial storytelling |
Croatia’s highest inhabited village. Northern trail recon reinforces cartographic loop. |
|
Mapping path to Jasenak (27/04/2025) |
Infrastructure prototyping and participatory cartography |
Team divided north/south. Shelter found for 12+. Basis for future pilgrimage/peace trail. |
|
Visit to memorial for 24 partisans who froze to death (27/04/2025) |
Ambivalence of martyrdom in peace culture |
Site memorializes 1944 partisan encirclement. Tension between heroic memory and peace education lens. |
The Rekke is part of an ongoing exercise in curriculum development in conflict transformation. Conflict transformation is thus understood as a cycle of sensitisation / mobilisation, escalation, negotiation, settlement and peace maintenance (similar to the Cycle of Grief or the didactic Model of Complete Action)
Whilst FS has actively affected all those five stages of conflict transformation and can thus be appraised as a practitioner of conflict transformation on his own, the circle of conflict transformation in Croatia and beyond is still ongoing, which is why FS actions shall be continued, replicated and extended.
By proposing a (module in a) curriculum of conflict transformation on FS, I consider this to be both, a tool for peace education as well as part of the (fractal, circular) path of actual conflict transformation. That’s why I call this methodology P.A.R.ts-pro-toto, like in
The reflexivity of this methodology is given by the related cycle of
Lebens-
werte
entwürfe & wege
Whereas the path of peace was only vaguely projected ahead of the Rekke by engaging with the local population, tourism development and talking the walk, some concrete aims can now be dissected, which serve as windows of opportunity to mainstream a conflict transformation agenda into a (national) curriculum or promote Franjo Starčević among conflict transformation practitioners.
Goal: To establish Franjo Starčević as a peace figure on Gorski Kotar’s tourist map.
Learning opportunity: FS sites (cemetery, pub, School of Peace, etc.) offer concrete starting points for learning about memory culture in public spaces.
Steps:
Didactic potential: Learning through spatial experience, biographical storytelling, interactive media use, civil society project work.
The Rekke Team is in a good position to advance the memory of Franjo Starčević in this way because it brings together a great variety of people, initiatives and networks, namely:
Bibliography

P….rogramme
… A …ction: … methodology (toolbox, techniques, tool), organisation, …
… … R.ts-pro-toto.de
Die Sozialpädagogik untersucht die Lehre gesellschaftlicher Gruppen. Die Lehre ist die perpetuierte Darstellung eines dynamischen Systems, heuristically vorgestellt als ein Ei oder auch eine Eizelle, aufgespult bzw. wirksam auf Basis einer 3D-Eulerschen Spirale nach den Gesetzen von Navier-Strokes.
hobos glocales (edgeryder, unmonestary, telecomix, church…)
teambuilding, community-building of practice / action,
reporting (who at who/m, optional), internal/external)
protocol, supervision
After discussing with Anna, I would like to propose for the next Walk to create a fund / pool the (minimum) expected expenses beforehand and have one “finance officer” to pay the bills. It should provide for some more planning security to attract new Walkers, greater reliability and transparency and maybe even attract small scale donation / sponsorship. To be expected left-overs can be used to help out friends on the ground in a low-key but united manner. I also think, the Sunday Zoom meeting and it’s facebook messenger group (reactivating / filling with meaning existing structures instead of fragmenting discussions) should be used to discuss and announce respectively this and those issues.
Issues:
* (dynamic) Map of Engagement (from WoS Serbia)
* changing requirements and responses of the Balkanroute

The so-called “New Pact on Migration and Asylum” presented by the EU Commission in September comes as a slap in the face of asylum seekers and refugees still suffering violence and injustice along our borders. It furthermore comes as a slap in the face of those tens of thousands who took to the streets in the past weeks to call for the evacuation of the Greek islands’ camps and for radical change to European migration and asylum policies.
The pact puts returns (i.e. deportations) before the rights of refugees and favours exclusion over protection. There is no plan for a robust solidarity mechanism for the fair relocation of refugees and asylum seekers between European states, while this would be an essential prerequisite for achieving a sustainable decongestion of the Greek islands. The newly proposed “border procedures” will continue to put the responsibility for people seeking protection on countries of first arrival. The pact promotes the creation of new camps in the style of Moria along the borders, which we firmly oppose.
At the same time, there is no even remotely humane and dignified solution for those refugees currently forced to live in camps on the Aegean islands, in Maltese detention centres or anywhere else at the EU’s external borders.
This is why civil society movements and organisations from several European countries call for renewed protests on 15th/16th November. Our wave of solidarity will continue to grow.
Together we are calling on European leaders and the European Commission to act now:
Europeans For Humanity
Europe Must Act
MiGreat
No More Morias
PRO ASYL
Rethinking Refugees – Knowledge and Action
SOSMoria
Vluchtelingencomité Haarlem
Vluchtelingencomité Groningen
Walk of Shame EU
Last update of the signatory list: 16 October 2020
… so dass sie nicht kämpfen… Funktionale Kooperation in der Friedensbildung
P.A.R.
Projekt – Aktion – Resultat
partizipation Aktion Research
Reflektion
Reflektion
M&E BBAW
bildungswissenschaftliches Curriculum
Verwaltung öffentlichen Eigentums: Wer´s braucht, der nimmt sich. Vermögen-s kinetische Energie (Beschäftigung) – potentielle Energie V wie = Wirkungsfunktional Kapitalismus u.a.
haben das bessere Flächenmanagement:#besetzen
Anarchisten ist das scheiss egal legal, illegal Ikearegal
Subjekt Prozess Wirkung Potse&Drugstore, die autonome Jugendkultur Schoenebergs instand #besetzen den Hochbunker in der Pallasstrasse
ist ein früher Aspekt des Etatismus, des Staatswesens. Jede Autonomie beinhaltet kollektive Souveränität über Grund und Boden sowie Steuern und Abgaben. Bildung, Kommunikation und öffentlicher Schienenverkehr sind pan-europäisch regional. Was ich sagen möchte ist, dass das Militär Zuliferer eines reformierten Sozialwesens sein möge, für eine integrierte Beschäftigungspolitik.
Überwachung ist ein Aspekt des Militarismus. Die Verwaltung muss Vorkehrungen treffen, um dem gemeinschaftlichen Kontrollwahn entschieden entgegengetreten zu können…
die dynamik des bildungswesens
– bildung für öffentliche Reife (statt privatwirtschaftlichem Trainings)
– maths als maßstab der persönlichen entwicklung
– …
https://drive.google.com/file/d/1386Uhjj2xvIlHhPe0pgAy4c__9mzKVz6/view?usp=drivesdk
Action-Research, Wissenschaft (&Forschung)
(Freiheit der..) Kunst (&Kultur)
Pflege im öffentlichen Raum
(berufliche / Weiter-) Bildung
Prozesszyklenmanagement